9th SEPTEMBER 1946 MAHATMA GANDHIJI AND MD. JINNAH TALKS ON PARTITION

Indian Independence: Partition Source 2

Extract from the Viceroy Lord Wavell’s letter to Leopold Amery, the Secretary of State for India, 3 October 1944 concerning the breakdown of the Gandhi-Jinnah talks.

[IOR: L/PO/10/21]

This letter concerns the breakdown of the Gandhi-Jinnah talks held in September 1944. The talks were based on the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan. They ended without agreement, as explained in this extract. The Rajagopalachari formula mentioned was put forward by Chakravarty Rajagopalachari in 1943. It stated that the Muslim League was to back the Indian demand for independence and to co-operate with Congress in the formation of a provisional interim government for a transitional period. Once the Second World War had ended, a commission was to be appointed for demarcating districts in the Northwest and east of India where the Muslim population was in the majority. A vote would then be taken of all the inhabitants in the said areas to decide the issue of separation from Hindustan.

28th September 1944

P.S. – Gandhi and Jinnah announced yesterday evening that their talks had broken down. I am sending by this bag a copy of today’s special edition of the Hindustan Times giving the text of the announcement, and of the letters exchanged between the two. I will try to let you have my comments by Sunday’s bag.

(signed: Wavell)

To the Right Honourable L. S. Amery, M.P., His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India.

The Viceroy’s House, New Delhi October 3rd, 1944

[Private & Secret] There was no letter from you in the last bag. In the postscript to my letter of 27th September I said I would try to let you have by the bag of 1st October my comments on the breakdown of the Gandhi-Jinnah talks. The examination of the correspondence took rather longer than I expected and I sent you nothing on 1st October. I telegraphed some general comments on 2nd October for use in connection with a question in Parliament. I shall not be able to tell you for some days what I think the effect of the breakdown on the general political situation will be. But my comments on the differences between Gandhi and Jinnah, and the immediate Indian reactions to the breakdown are as follows.

(2) Jinnah based himself on the “two nations” theory, according to which the Muslims and Hindus in India, however they may be distributed over the country, are entirely foreign to each other. He pressed Gandhi to accept this theory and the Muslim League’s Lahore Resolution of March 1940 which he regarded as an expression of it. He made it clear that his sovereign Muslim States must be composed substantially of the British Indian Provinces now regarded as Muslim (e.g., in the north-west; Sind, Baluchistan, the North-West Frontier Province and the Punjab, and in the north-east, Assam and Bengal). The right of these areas to self-determination and separate sovereignty was to be exercised by their Muslim residents alone. Jinnah declined to answer awkward questions about economic stability and the fate of minorities. He told Gandhi that he was dealing only with British India and was not considering the Indian States. Arguing from the “two nations” theory, he could not agree to any alliance between the Hindus and the Muslims in order to achieve independence, or to any provisional Government before the Muslin claim had been finally settled. Relations between Muslim India and Hindu India would be settled by treaty as between independent and sovereign States, and there could be no question of any Central Government or constitutional link.

Gandhi propounded the Rajagopalachari formula, but made it clear that he did not really believe in it, and that what he wanted was some form of self-determination for Muslims within a united India. His immediate aim was a provisional Government responsible to the present Central Assembly or to a new Assembly elected under the existing franchise. During the war, military operations would be controlled by the Commander-in-Chief, but after the war his provisional Government would be completely independent. The matters requiring settlement under the Rajagopalachari formula would be dealt with by the provisional Government, though at a late stage in the correspondence he agreed to some kind of settlement between the Congress and the League, which the provisional Government would apparently implement.

In short, the negotiations broke down because Gandhi and Jinnah differed completely as to the nature and scope of Pakistan, and as to the order in which they placed the events necessary to Indian independence. Jinnah wants Pakistan first and independence afterwards, while Gandhi wants independence first with some kind of self-determination for Muslims to be granted by a provisional Government which would be predominantly Hindu.

It is difficult to believe that Jinnah who, whatever his faults, is a highly intelligent man, is sincere about the “two nations” theory. His refusal to answer awkward questions also shows that he has not thought out the implications of Pakistan, or anyway will not disclose his views on them. To take only one example, the north-eastern Muslim State would amount to very little without Calcutta, but Calcutta is in the main a Hindu city. On the other hand. Jinnah’s suspicion of Gandhi is justified. Gandhi’s ideal, though he is careful not to express it, is a united India in which the Hindus, given a free run, would inevitably dominate the Muslims. Jinnah was arguing for something which he has not worked out fully, and Gandhi was putting forward counter proposals in which he did not really believe at all. …

India’s First Independence Day Celebrations in Delhi AUGUST 15, 1947

Discussion in ‘General Multimedia‘ started by RAM, Nov 13, 2009.

  1. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    JAI HIND…India’s First Independence Day Celebrations in Delhi AUGUST 15, 1947:india:

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  2. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    India’s First Independence Day Celebrations in Delhi AUGUST 15, 1947IN PICS

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  3. ppgj

    ppgjSenior MemberSenior Member

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    Tryst with Destiny was a speech made by Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of independent India. The speech was made to the Indian Constituent Assembly, on the eve of India’s independence, towards midnight on August 14, 1947. It focuses on the aspects that transcend India’s history. It is considered in modern India to be a landmark oration that captures the essence of the triumphant culmination of the hundred-year Indian freedom struggle against the British Empire in India.
    …………………………………………………………..

    Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.

    At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her success and her failures. Through good and ill fortune alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortune and India discovers herself again. The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?

    Freedom and power bring responsibility. The responsibility rests upon this Assembly, a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless, the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now.

    That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity. The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.

    And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for any one of them to imagine that it can live apart Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this One World that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.

    To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make an appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill-will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.

    The appointed day has come-the day appointed by destiny-and India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning-point is past, and history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act and others will write about.

    It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the East, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materializes. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed!

    We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us, and many of our people are sorrowstricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.

    On this day our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the Father of our Nation [Gandhi], who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surrounded us. We have often been unworthy followers of his and have strayed from his message, but not only we but succeeding generations will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out, however high the wind or stormy the tempest.

    Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and soldiers of freedom who, without praise or reward, have served India even unto death.

    We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good and ill fortune alike.

    The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavour? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and workers of India; to fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease; to build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman.

    We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for any one of us till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India what destiny intended them to be. We are citizens of a great country on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard. All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India with equal rights, privileges and obligations. We cannot encourage communalism or narrow-mindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.

    To the nations and peoples of the world we send greetings and pledge ourselves to cooperate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy.

    And to India, our much-loved motherland, the ancient, the eternal and the ever-new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service.

    Tryst with destiny – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

  4. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    India’s First Independence Day Celebrations in Delhi AUGUST 15, 1947…IN PICS

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  5. ppgj

    ppgjSenior MemberSenior Member

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  6. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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  7. ppgj

    ppgjSenior MemberSenior Member

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  8. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    India division and Independence

    Eleven days before returning independence to India, Lord Mountbatten works with his advisors to divide India peaceably

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    British Flag replaced by Indian Flag on Aug 15th, 1947

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  9. bengalraider

    bengalraiderDFI TechnocratStars and Ambassadors

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    THE TIMES OF INDIA FRONTPAGE on August 15th 1947

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    Times of India

  10. ppgj

    ppgjSenior MemberSenior Member

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  11. ppgj

    ppgjSenior MemberSenior Member

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  12. ppgj

    ppgjSenior MemberSenior Member

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  13. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    Nehruvian Moments

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    Mahatma Gandhi in conversation with Pandit Nehru at Howrah Station before Gandhiji’s departure from Calcutta

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    Congress President Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru engaged in a brief conversation, before the latter announced his resignation from the Congress presidentship. Frontier Gandhi, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, and Babu Rajendra Prasad can be seen in the background.

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    THE TRICOLOUR: Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Vice President, Interim Government, holds the silk flag. The flag was adopted as the national flag by the constitutent assembly at New Delhi.

  14. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    INDUSTRIALISING INDIA

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    Jawaharlal Nehru, who declared open the Indian Rare Earths Factory at Alwaye, Travancore – Cochin, is on a conducted of the factory. (Left to right) : Dr.H.J.Bhabha, Dr.S.S.Bhatnagar, Shri K.R.K. Menon, Shri Jawaharlal Nehru, The Rajpramukh of Travancore-Cochin and Shri Lal Bhahadur Shastri.

    BUILDING INSTITUTIONS
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    Dr. Rajendra Prasad, opened the new building of the Indian Institute of Public Administration in New Delhi on January 31, 1959. Photo shows the President and the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, with members of the Executive Council and staff of the Institute

    POLITICS OF THE DAY

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    Jawaharlal Nehru and Mohammed Ali Jinnah about to leave for Birla House, Delhi, to see Mahatma Gandhi in this undated photo.

  15. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    COUNTDOWN TO FREEDOM

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    Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and his six colleagues who were sworn in on Sept. 2, 1946 as members of the Interim Government met the press informally the same afternoon. Pandit Nehru addressed the press for half an hour on the tasks before the new Government formed by him
    MAKING A REPUBLIC
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    The Britain’s Prime Minister, Clement Attlee enjoys a joke with Jawaharlal Nehru, Indian Premier, and Dr. Daniel Malan, South African Premier, at the sherry party given at No.10, Downing Street, London. The Commonwealth Premiers met to discuss India’s decision to become a republic.

    MEETING THE NIZAM
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    Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru welcomed by His Exalted Highness, the Nizam of Hyderabad at King Kothi Palace in Hyderabad on Dec. 25, 1948, when the Prime Minister called on the Nizam.

  16. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    WITH MAHARAJA

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    The Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru is being introduced to the State officials on his arrival at Mysore Aerodrome on December 31, 1948. Also seen in the picture is His Highness the Maharaja of Mysore (extreme left)

    RECOGNISING A SCHOLAR
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    Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, addressed the `Special Convocation’ of the Mysore University at the Crawford Hall at Mysore, where the Honorary Degree of Doctor of Science was conferred on him by His Highness the Maharaja of Mysore (the Chancellor) on December 28, 1948

    A DISCOVERER OF INDIA:
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    Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru taking a keen look at the bronze statue of the Vijayanagara emperor Sri Krishna Devaraya, installed inside the Tirumala temple complex.

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  17. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    Pandit Nehru with councillors of the Madras Corporation at the civic reception extended to the Congress President in Madras.

    SCIENTIFIC TEMPER

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    Jawaharlal Nehru at the Pasteur Institute of India in Coonoor in this undated photo. Digital image: K. Anandan

    PREMIER AT WORK
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    Jawaharlal Nehru with K.D. Malaviya, former Union Minister for Petroleum

  18. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    LEADERS OF A NATION

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    C. Rajagopalachari (Rajaji), Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and the President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad share a lighter moment at an ‘At Home’ given in honour of Rajaji at Rashtrapati Bhavan in New Delhi on the evening of Octoebr 25, 1957

    REPUBLICAN MOMENT

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    Shri Rajgopalachari’s departure as the country’s last Governor-General took place on Jan. 27, 1950, with full state honours at Palam Airport. He was seen off by the President, members of the Cabinet and the diplomatic corps. Photo shows Pandit Nehru presenting a “saffron flower” from Kashmir to Rajaji.

    PRIME MINISTER
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    Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru being sworn-in as Prime Minister of India, by the President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad in the presence of other Cabinet colleagues at the Rashtrapati Bhavan in New Delhi on May 14, 1952.

  19. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    ENGAGING NEIGHBOURS

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    With the Maharajah. Picture shows (from left to right): B. K. Kapur, Chief of Protocol, Government of India, Chatterjee, Military Secretary to President, Jawaharlal Nehru, His Highness the Maharaja Mohan Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana, Sardar Baldev Singh and General Sharda Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana of Nepal at a reception to His Highness the Maharaja, the Prime Minister and Supreme Commander-in-Chief of Nepal at New Delhi Railway Station on February 17, 1950.

    WELCOME TO INDIA

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    Prime Minister of United Kingdom, Harold Macmillan, who arrived at Delhi Airport on January 8, 1958 on a four-day visit to India, seen leaving the airport in an open convertible car with the Indian Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru.

    WORLD LEADERS
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    The Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, with the U.S. President, John F Kennedy, in the White House garden during his visit to U.S. in 1962.

  20. RAM

    RAMThe southern ManSenior Member

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    WELCOMING ROYALTY
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    President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the Vice President, Dr. S. Radhakrishnan and the Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, receive Their Imperial Majesties, the Shahanshah and Empress of Iran at Palam Airport in Delhi on February 16, 1956.

    IN CHINA
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    Lin Shao-Chi, chairman of the standing committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China, Pandit Nehru, Chu Teh, Vice Chairman of China at a tea reception to Mr. Nehru in Peking on October 23, 1954.

    REDEFINING A NATION
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    The congress executive meets at the Prime Minister’s residence in New Delhi to discuss the reorganisation of States on Dec. 23, 1955. The Prime Minister Pandit Nehru addressing the meeting, Dr. Sayed Mahmoud , Maulana Azad and Dr. Katju are seen in the picture.

    IN CONVERSATION
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    Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru with Defence Minister Krishna Menon in Delhi on Oct. 25, 1962.

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